he war to stop Brexit is far from over. But Britain has already surrendered – both sides giving in to the pettiness of populism.
Source: Ben Stansall / AFP
2019 will be another decisive and historical year for Europe. Mostly because this is election year and the only time citizens are truly called to vote. This is the highlight of European legitimacy, one so feeble nowadays it almost entirely relies on the Parliament. Between the fears of low turnout and those of a second populist wave, there are many reasons we should not be looking forward to the ballot’s results.
There is a second storm brewing over Europe, this one over the Channel, between London and Brussels. The countdown is ticking towards the end of Britain’s stay within the EU. This is arguably the most singular event so far – hopefully the only such event – when a member State elects to leave the Union. It has also brought a new phenomenon: a pro-European form of populism.
Europe’s historical adversary
Calling it a ‘European populism’ might seem antithetic. However, case can be made that today’s debate is nothing shy of pro-European demagogy against a mirroring anti-European propaganda. Brexit and its debate are a political fight over the definition of the ‘people’ and the people’s will. Both sides make a single claim over a dual opinion.
Brexiteers are often framed as the greater evil, having heavily relied on popular slogans. They consistently distinguished the British people from that of mainland Europe – ranging from a cultural divide to economic interests. It mostly revolved around regaining a lost independence and returning to a truer Islander spirit, as concerns over immigration rose.
Where the campaign drew most of its criticism was from the fearmongering strategy of sly politicians, that spoke to the more ordinary or disenfranchised voter. The use of false slogans and doubtful rhetoric stirred the British ship further away from Europe. The most interesting facet was their heavy relying on historical narratives. It was a past they were defending, a history and an identity.
The ease with which UKIP and their allies swept the vote surprised more than one observer. All they needed in the end were a few savvy orators in a big red bus.
From fear to fear
But as negotiations went on, a new kind of fear has arisen in public discourse: the fear of a no-deal or worse, of a hard Brexit. Some Britons actively fear the consequences of the pulling out of the EU, the economic consequences especially.
Until the “Leave” vote won, the Remain strategy had mostly been exposing the flaws and lies of UKIP’s discourse. it was a politically higher level of debate, of expertise. Now, they use a similar strategy to Boris Johnson and co. The ‘people’ they speak of is not the past, but the future: the well-travelled student, who feels European, who probably couldn’t vote yet in 2016. Those who rely on the EU for their future.
The “people’s vote campaign” is the leading opposition to Brexit, bringing both Tory and Labour closer. Conservative MP Anna Soubry told the crowd the UK was about to embark on a course that would "make you and your grandchildren […] less prosperous than you are now". "I think the best and right thing to do is to put it back to the people and say you can have a vote on this deal."
Calling the Anti-Brexit campaign “populist” might not seem very flattering. Although some further left on the spectrum might refuse to call it so, the term they favour is ‘grassroots democracy’. Quoting from Zoe Williams, the Guardian columnist: “Forget Westminster, the grassroots movement for a great reversal already exists in the constituency parties, unions and campaign groups.”
Some even bolder, like Owen Jones who wrote: “Third, (the campaign) should launch itself a grassroots, populist insurgency: rather than hosting EU flag-waving marches in remain citadels, it should hold mass public meetings and leafleting campaigns in leave areas […]”
The illustration of which is the ‘Bollocks to Brexit’ bus, a mindless reaction to the Leave campaign’s strategy.
Not giving up, but giving in
The question raised by this stance from this movement is that of the legitimacy of populism. The anti-Brexit mob is cornered by reality: they want a second referendum, to negate the first, and use populism as a cure to populism itself. Although Chantal Mouffe would no doubt rise at this idea – and indeed, many prominent Labour and even LibDem MPs would too – it remains hypocritical of anyone to suggest this as a political strategy.
The Brexit debate is inherently populist. Surely, the United Kingdom has a better way of going out in style, or in their case, of not going out at all. Politicians and the British people find themselves at a crossroads, between a cliff and a precipice: they either fall for populism into Brexit or fall back into the EU. Who then is to say that populism is wrong? Who can then doubt the credibility of the Brexit strategy and result?
It is also a paradox, that the historical enemy of Europeanization is now its last stand in the UK. For once, it is Great Britain that is the first of the allies to raise a white flag, and to surrender to populism.
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